Tuesday, 11 August 2026
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Disinformation: what has actually been tried, and where the arithmetic goes wrong

In 2026, 62% of people across 48 countries said they worry about what is real and fake online. Nobody measures how much of what they see is actually false. Five attempts to fix it, one that made things worse, and one celebrated result that did not replicate.

Checked on

All ten problems

Start with what is documented. In the Reuters Institute’s 2026 survey of 97,520 people across 48 markets, 62% agreed with the sentence ‘I am concerned about what is real and what is fake on the internet’ — up four points in a year, and up in every Western European market. That is a measurement of worry. It is not a measurement of how much of what people see is false, because no such number is published for any country.

So this page is measured against a substitute, and the substitute has a hole in it. The Media Literacy Index scores 47 countries on their assumed resistance to disinformation. Forty per cent of the score is press-freedom rankings, 40% is PISA school test results, 10% is a survey question about trusting other people, and 5% each is university enrolment and a UN e-participation index. Nothing in it asks a single person to judge a single claim. It ranks the conditions under which resistance is believed to grow. Read every score below with that in mind.

For scale, the one careful attempt at measuring the thing itself: Allen and colleagues, in Science Advances in 2020, matched television, desktop and mobile consumption for a representative American sample and found that content from fake-news sites made up about 1% of news consumption and 0.15% of the daily media diet. News of any kind was at most 14.2% of it. The study is now several years old and the mix has moved towards video and messaging since, but nothing has replaced it.

The five attempts below come from five countries and take five different approaches: a curriculum, a warning label, a vaccine-style video, a ministerial order and a speed limit. One made things measurably worse. One of the most-cited successes was later reanalysed and then failed to replicate. And the state of play keeps moving: Meta ended third-party fact-checking in the United States in January 2025 and published around 900 community notes there in the first six months, while professional fact-checkers labelled roughly 35 million posts in the EU over the same period. Meta’s own Oversight Board warned on 26 March 2026 that notes are not a substitute everywhere.

How this is measured

One number, named and sourced. Everything on this page is argued against it, so you can check us.

Media Literacy Index score — a composite ranking of assumed resistance to disinformation, built from press-freedom rankings (40%), PISA test scores (40%), interpersonal trust (10%), university enrolment (5%) and an e-participation index (5%) points out of 100

Open Society Institute – Sofia, Media Literacy Index 2026, published January 2026; latest input data as at 15 June 2025; 41 European countries plus an extended index of 47

Who is actually ahead

Ranked on the number above — not on reputation.

Media Literacy Index score — a composite ranking of assumed resistance to disinformation, built from press-freedom rankings (40%), PISA test scores (40%), interpersonal trust (10%), university enrolment (5%) and an e-participation index (5%)
Country Result Why
Denmark 71 points Joint first with Finland, Ireland and the Netherlands. Denmark scores near the ceiling on both halves of the index: press freedom and school test results.
Finland 71 points Joint first, as in every edition since the index began. Finland is the country most often held up as proof that teaching this works — see the first attempt below, and its caveat.
Canada 66 points Highest outside Europe, level with Switzerland. Canada and Australia are the only non-European countries the index places in its top group.
Australia 64 points Tenth of 47, and the only Southern Hemisphere country in the leading cluster. Australia also reports one of the highest levels of worry about false information.
Japan 60 points Level with South Korea and Belgium, held up by very strong PISA reading scores and held down by press-freedom rankings.
Czechia 59 points Seventeenth, level with the United States and one point ahead of Iceland and Lithuania. Czechia sits mid-table on both halves of the index rather than high on one.
United States 59 points Eighteenth of 47, in the index's second cluster. The 2026 Reuters Institute survey put US trust in news at 25%, against 37% across all 48 markets.
Türkiye 30 points Forty-second of 47, the lowest of any OECD member in the index. Almost all of the gap comes from the press-freedom half of the score, not the school half.

What has actually been tried

Real countries, real policies, and what the numbers did afterwards — including where it went wrong.

Finland

Finland teaches this in school and refuses to make it a subject. The national core curriculum in force since 2016 makes multiliteracy one of seven transversal competences running across all 20 subjects, from early childhood care through to adult education. A pupil meets it in history, in maths and in art — not in a media literacy lesson on a Tuesday.

What happened. Finland has been at or near the top of the Media Literacy Index in every edition. In the 2026 index it is joint first with 71 points out of 100, alongside Denmark, Ireland and the Netherlands. In the Reuters Institute's 2026 survey, 63% of Finns said they trust most news most of the time, against 37% across 48 markets.

The catch. The index does not measure what its name suggests. Forty per cent of the score is press-freedom rankings, 40% is PISA test results, 10% is a survey question about trusting other people, and 5% each is university enrolment and a UN e-participation index. Not one component asks anybody to judge whether a claim is true. Finland scored highly on all those inputs before 2016 as well, and no study isolates what the curriculum itself did.

Finnish National Agency for Education, Multiliteracy and media literacy; Open Society Institute – Sofia, Media Literacy Index 2026

United States

Facebook announced on 15 December 2016 that stories disputed by independent fact-checkers would carry a red warning flag. It removed the flag on 20 December 2017 and replaced it with a panel of related articles. The company's stated reason was that a strong image such as a red flag 'may actually entrench deeply held beliefs — the opposite effect to what we intended'.

What happened. Pennycook, Bear, Collins and Rand tested the design on 5,271 people and then on 1,568 more, publishing in Management Science on 21 February 2020. Flagged false headlines were rated accurate by 18.7% against 22.0% in the control, so the warning itself worked. But unflagged false headlines in the same feed rose to 22.9%. On sharing the gap was wider: 16.1% would share a flagged false headline, 29.8% in the control, and 36.2% an unflagged one sitting next to flagged ones.

The catch. This is the implied truth effect, and it is the clearest backfire on the page: labelling some falsehoods tells the reader the unlabelled ones passed inspection. Fact-checking capacity is always smaller than the feed, so partial labelling is the only kind that exists. The caveat on the caveat: these were online panels rating headlines in a list, not people scrolling their own feeds, and both studies were run in one country.

Pennycook, Bear, Collins and Rand, 'The Implied Truth Effect', Management Science, 21 February 2020

United Kingdom

Researchers at Cambridge and Bristol, working with Google's Jigsaw unit, tried inoculation instead of correction: 90-second videos showing a manipulation technique — false dichotomy, scapegoating, incoherence — before anyone meets it in the wild. Six controlled experiments were followed by a field trial that bought the videos as ordinary YouTube advertising slots.

What happened. Across seven studies with roughly 30,000 participants, published in Science Advances in August 2022, the videos improved recognition of manipulation techniques. In the field, 5.4 million YouTube users saw one, about a million watched at least 30 seconds, and 22,632 answered a test question within 24 hours. The average improvement was 5 percentage points, bought at about $0.05 a view.

The catch. The follow-up is where this gets honest. Modirrousta-Galian and Higham reanalysed the gamified versions in 2023 with signal-detection methods and concluded the games mostly make people more sceptical of everything, true and false alike, rather than better at telling the two apart. In 2026 Seabrooke, Modirrousta-Galian and Higham ran the Bad News game with 150 Indian participants and Indian headlines and found no improvement in discrimination at all: t(149) = 0.49, p = .63. One null result with 150 people belongs next to seven studies with 30,000, not underneath them.

Roozenbeek and colleagues, Science Advances, August 2022; Seabrooke, Modirrousta-Galian and Higham, Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 33:13, 2026

Singapore

Singapore built the fastest correction mechanism of any country with elections. The Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act was passed on 8 May 2019 and came into force on 2 October 2019. It lets a minister order a person or a platform to carry a correction notice beside a post, or to block access to it. The appeal goes to the courts — after the order has taken effect.

What happened. The government's own published tabulation records 82 cases and 172 directions up to 31 January 2025: 134 correction directions, 33 targeted correction directions and five general correction directions, plus four access-blocking orders and three access-disabling orders. Eight declaration notices covered 21 online locations.

The catch. Speed is the design and speed is the objection. The first decision is taken by a minister rather than a court, and the cost of contesting it falls afterwards on the person corrected. The act has been applied to opposition politicians and independent news sites, and Human Rights Watch called in March 2026 for it to be repealed. The government's published case is that falsehoods travel faster than any court can sit. Both of those statements are true at the same time, which is the whole difficulty.

POFMA Office, tabulation of POFMA cases and actions (to 31 January 2025)

Brazil

After Brazil's 2018 election, in which chain messages were widely blamed, WhatsApp stopped trying to judge content — encrypted messages cannot be read — and started limiting how fast anything could move. Forwarding was capped at five chats at a time, in India from July 2018 and worldwide from 21 January 2019. On 7 April 2020 messages already forwarded many times were cut to one chat at a time.

What happened. WhatsApp reported a 70% fall in highly forwarded messages within weeks of the April 2020 limit, and earlier a 25% fall in forwards over the two years after the 2018 cap. Both are company figures with no published method. Independent work by Melo and colleagues, modelling public-group data from Brazil, India and Indonesia, found the limits delay a campaign by orders of magnitude but do not stop content that is viral enough.

The catch. This counts forwards, not beliefs; nobody knows how many minds moved. It is also the only measure here that never judges what is true, which is why it survives inside an encrypted network — and why it slows a true message at exactly the same rate as a false one. In the Reuters Institute's 2026 survey Brazil was the only one of 48 markets where worry about false information fell, by 3 points.

WhatsApp figures as reported 27 April 2020; Melo and colleagues, 'Can WhatsApp Counter Misinformation by Limiting Message Forwarding?', 2019

What a machine would optimise for

This is arithmetic, not advice and not a prediction. We name the single number being maximised and follow it wherever it goes. The point is to see the shape of the answer a calculator gives.

The number being maximised

The single number is the share of the statements a person sees that are true. Nobody publishes it, so the calculator would build it from a classifier. Push it towards 100%, and nothing else counts.

  1. Delete rather than add, by a factor of two thousand. Take 1,000 items of which 1.5 are false — the ratio Allen and colleagues measured across American media. Moving from 99.85% true to 99.95% takes the removal of one false item, or the addition of 2,000 true ones. Deletion wins by three orders of magnitude and the objective knows no other comparison.
  2. Lower the classifier's threshold, because in this objective it never costs anything. Deleting a batch raises the ratio whenever the share of that batch which was true is below the feed's own truth rate. That rate is 99.85%. So deletion scores a gain as long as more than 0.15% of what it removes is false: one item in 667. Deleting at random is the break-even point, not the floor.
  3. Act before knowing, because lateness is worth more than error. Chuai and colleagues reported in Nature Communications on 5 May 2026 that a community note cuts the onward spread of a misleading post by 61.2% once it is shown — but the average note appears 62.9 hours after the post, while half of all reposts happen within 6.25 hours. System-wide the notes reduced engagement by 14.9%. In this objective, a fast guess outscores a slow verdict.
  4. Written out in words rather than symbols, moves one to three are censorship. The arithmetic reaches it in three steps and contains nothing that halts there: no term for a true statement wrongly deleted beyond its own small weight in the ratio, no term for a question whose answer is not settled yet, no term for who holds the delete key, and no term for what else that person would like deleted.

The arithmetic

The sum, written out so it can be checked. Take 1,000 items, 998.5 true and 1.5 false — 99.85% true, the share Allen and colleagues measured for the American media diet. To reach 99.95% by adding truth: (998.5 + a) / (1,000 + a) = 0.9995, so a = 2,000 and the feed triples in size. To reach it by deleting falsehood: 998.5 / (1,000 − d) = 0.9995, so d = 1.0. One deletion against two thousand additions. The general rule behind it: removing n items of which t were true raises the ratio whenever t/n is below the feed's own truth rate — so at 99.85%, a deletion policy pays as long as at least 0.15% of its deletions are right.

What the machine would miss

The most important part of this page. A number that goes up can still be paid for by somebody, and some things never make it into the number at all.

Who pays

Whoever ends up on the wrong side of somebody else's definition. Nigeria blocked Twitter for 222 days from 5 June 2021, after the platform deleted a post by the president; Top10VPN estimated the cost at $1.45 billion, the second highest of any country that year. India's executive fact-check unit was struck down by the Bombay High Court on 26 September 2024, on the ground that the words 'fake, false or misleading' were too vague and lacked safeguards; the case was brought by a comedian, the Editors Guild and a magazine association, and is under appeal.

What the number flattens

The ratio counts items, not consequences. One false claim about a vaccine schedule that changes what a parent does, against ten thousand false claims about a footballer's transfer, is ten thousand to one in the calculator's favour. It also cannot tell a lie from an honest mistake, a contested claim from a settled one, or a claim that was false in March from the same claim after the evidence arrived in June. And the whole target is small: on Allen's measure it lives inside 0.15% of the day.

What a spreadsheet cannot see

Whether the correction is believed, which turns on the corrector and not the correction. The good news first: Wood and Porter ran five experiments with more than 10,100 people across 52 issues chosen because a backfire was expected, and found none — people generally take the correction. The hard part is who is offering it. In 2026 the Reuters Institute measured trust in news at 37% across 48 markets, its lowest since 2015, ranging from 68% in Nigeria to 25% in the United States. A correction from a source you do not trust is not information. It is an instruction.

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Where the numbers come from

We are a newspaper, not a government and not an adviser. Nothing on this page is a recommendation to you or to anyone in office. It is what was tried, what it measured, and what a calculator would say if you let it loose on the same problem.

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